Posted By David Rothkopf Share

Europe is a generalization. As recent events have demonstrated yet again, sharing a continent with someone doesn't necessarily make you their countryman … or even capable of cooperating with them when it is in your mutual self-interest. Yet, despite all evidence to the contrary, when we talk about the crisis in Europe, we talk about it as if it were a Europe-wide crisis. Worse, recently, political opportunists on the right have begun to argue that the problems in Greece, Italy, and Spain are an indictment of Europe as a whole and of "European" ideas like the welfare state.

But of course, the economic mess in which the Greeks, the Italians and others find themselves has nothing to do with their being European. It has to do with them being financially irresponsible. It has to do with them being baited into reckless practices by bankers with whom they were too cozy … and who themselves were so eager to lend that they suspended sensible risk assessment practices. Admittedly, the problems within these states have pan-European consequences and they have revealed serious shortcomings both within European Union institutions and among EU leaders. But it would not only be misleading to lump all the countries of Europe into one basket in terms of the issues that have been raised, it would also obscure the fact that within Europe itself exist superb examples of what these floundering countries might aspire to. (And the contrast between the success stories and the failures needs to be understood to begin to grapple with the real problems of economic and political integration that have not been sufficiently addressed to date in the context of the European Union.)

What's more, Europe's success stories not only quash absurd assertions that having a state with a strong social safety net is the problem, they offer examples that might be well followed outside Europe; say, in the United States, home to another broken, corrupted version of capitalism.

It is a point that Jeffrey Sachs absolutely correctly noted on "Morning Joe" this morning and that needs to be better understood. Not only is the "European model" or "Eurocapitalism" not dead -- it, to the extent it is defined by Europe's best performing countries, may well be the solution to balancing every state's desire for growth, their need for fiscal responsibility and the obligations of a moral, equitable, empowering social contract.

So, to begin where much of today's discussion stops, there are a group of high-performing northern European countries that rate higher than the United States or Southern Europe on the "Sovereign Fiscal Responsibility Index." Estonia ranks number 3 after Australia and New Zealand. Sweden is 4. Luxembourg is 6. Denmark and Britain are 8 and 9. Poland, the Netherlands, Norway and Slovakia are 13, 14, 15, and 16. Austria is 21, Finland is 22, Germany is 25, Italy is 27, and the United States is 28. Iceland, Greece, and Portugal are 32, 33, and 34. The SFRI report notes that in terms of "fiscal space" the amount of additional debt a country could add before getting into trouble "Scandinavian countries as well former British colonies appear well positioned with fiscal space in excess of 100 percent of GDP." They add that "Central and Northern European powers are currently in decent shape" but that "the PIIIGS" are already close to their debt limits and that the United States in the space just above that but at risk of deteriorating.

But these countries are not fiscally responsible at the extent of promoting either growth or providing social services. For example, Finland, Luxembourg, Germany, and Sweden all grew substantially faster than the United States in 2010. The United States ranks worse than Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Finland in the OECD education rankings with countries like Germany, Estonia, Switzerland, Poland, and others finishing ahead of the United States in math scores. Virtually all northern European countries, plus Germany and Britain, have lower unemployment than the United States. Further, Europe's composite GINI (inequality) score is better than the United States with both northern and southern countries finishing well ahead of the United States, which ranks between Jamaica and Cameroon. And whereas the U.S. only invests 2.4 percent of GDP in infrastructure, Europe on the whole invests 5 percent.

And as I pointed out in the New York Times piece I did a couple weeks ago "Redefining the Meaning of Number 1" most of these countries in the northern and central parts of Europe finish well ahead of their struggling neighbors and the United States in terms of quality of life rankings. They achieve success and a balance between growth and fulfilling the terms of a robust social contract by performing neat tricks like guaranteeing health care to all and still spending a smaller percentage of their GDP on health than the U.S. and by relying on collective security to allow them to spend less on defense.

The point is that some parts of Europe are not only working well, but can be examples worth emulating -- both by the continent's more reckless debtors and the United States itself.

DANIEL ROLAND/AFP/Getty Images

EXPLORE:EUROPE, ECONOMICS
 

TORO

4:46 AM ET

November 10, 2011

View from here

Canadian living & studying in Sweden right now and I agree with your point for the most part, but would ask the obvious... what if we applied the categorical imperative here? Could all nations pull off what Northern Europe and Scandinavia have in the context of a global world?

I think the answer is yes but it muddies the water as to the ease of this 'solution'. A cross section of Canada, Britain, Germany, and Sweden provides a diverse set of welfare and institutional arrangements that could be applied to specific nations, dependent on domestic context. The problem is that, at least in the case of Sweden and Canada, these systems were built over the entire 20th century and have been battling retrenchment since the 80's. Various studies have concluded that they have qualitatively avoided retrenchment--but globalized pressures continue to push. Sweden's welfare system is inextricably tied to its inflexible labour market, for example. Canada's is not.

In that sense, you are absolutely right that the solution is 'many herrings'. The problem is that these herrings have taken a very long time to grow that the rest of Europe simply doesn't have. Sweden once passed one of its major welfare bills because *one* member of the Riksdag chose to abstain and allow it to pass the gridlock. You can't replicate that sort of thing overnight.

The paralysis has already set in and no solution will save it now. Your article is best applied about four years from now after the inferno has combusted these states to the ground and a new order is ready to be, and easily, established.

 

MORANI YA SIMBA

7:04 AM ET

November 10, 2011

Southern Europe needs to learn from Northern Europe

Haha, dear Prof. Rothkopf, I really liked this article. I am in a volatile mood over the EU crisis (I'm from Denmark) because the implosion of the EU could be genuinely dangerous for Europe and the world. European history is....well, we all know how ugly it is.

I also believe there is something really important about "Eurocapitalism." It seems able to avoid abject poverty while retaining competitiveness. This is no minor issue. Poverty sentences millions to futile, painful, short and tragic lives in this world. So the "European model" should not be allowed to sink into the abyss and it will not be. We are going to WIN this financial pseudo-war. But, of course, it will take a long time now, and it will be painful. Few things that are truly precious, come fast or easy. Neither will the solution to Europe's problems. But we shall find it.

 

BLUE13326

1:19 PM ET

November 10, 2011

One quick reaction: What

One quick reaction: What those northern countries have in common are rational energy policies. When Norway discovered it was sitting on a boatload of oil, it exploited its good fortune. When the oil crisis hit in the 70s, countries like Sweden and Finland made a real and sustained push to alternative energy sources, including nuclear.

 

David Rothkopf is the CEO and Editor-at-Large of Foreign Policy. His new book, "Power, Inc.: The Epic Rivalry Between Big Business and Government and the Reckoning that Lies Ahead" is due out from Farrar, Straus & Giroux on March 1.

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