Friday, March 12, 2010 - 11:41 AM

If
U.S. health care reform passes the Congress and is signed into law
anytime soon, the bickering and hullabaloo over the process by which
the bill was hammered out will be as relevant as Einstein's mother's
morning sickness in light of her son's reimagining of the universe.
Ok,
perhaps that overstates it. But the inside-the-beltway food fight of
the past few months will likely fade quickly from memory as Americans
start to "own" the provisions of the bill. (If not, all of Washington
is going to soon have to see what provisions the new law will make for
people with cable news-induced post-traumatic stress disorder.)
And
if it passes -- which, flawed as it is would be a landmark and long
overdue revision to America's social contract -- White House health
care czar Nancy DeParle's reputation would be made because she would be
seen as a key player in advancing a long-elusive goal of progressives
from coast to coast. Whatever missteps the White House may have made
along the way, she will be among those redeemed by finally snatching
victory from the jaws of defeat. (Of course, if the bill fritters out
at the last minute, her career prospects will follow a different
trajectory.)
This fact raises in turn another question. Just how are the rest of President Obama's Romanov dynasty full of 30-odd czars doing?
The answer is hard to tell judging from the newspapers.
This is true in part because newspapers have devoted most of their
coverage recently to Eric Massa's permanent tainting of the once
wholesome sport of snorkeling. It's also true because there were so
many darned czars created that it's hard to keep track of them all. But
mostly it's true because the president's decision to appoint so many
"czars" was a classic rookie mistake that has not really worked out
very well for anyone.
Certainly, it did not work out well for
the czars who came and went like "Green Jobs Czar" Van Jones who was
Glenn-Becked into oblivion or "Car Czar" Steve Rattner who is now
trying to work a deal to avoid further legal headaches associated with
his allegedly unsavory practices in winning business from the New York
State pension fund back in his hedge fund days.
But most of the
czars who were originally appointed are still in place. It's just that in
most cases the only people who know it are their families or the
bureaucrats they scuffle with every day. You see one of the big
problems with the whole idea of "czars" is that on the day after their
investiture each of them discovered that the government is full of
other people who thought they had the same responsibilities.
Just
ask AfPak Czar Richard Holbrooke who has been largely overshadowed by
the military's big man in the region, General Stanley McChrystal, and
the State Department's other man in Kabul, Ambassador Karl Eikenberry.
Some of this may be, according to reports, Holbrooke's own doing, due
to rough patches in his relationships with the Afghans, the Pakistanis
and some of his colleagues in Washington. (It was probably a
miscalculation to try to apply strong-arm tactics with Hamid Karzai
that were reminiscent of his very successful tough-guy confrontations
with Slobodan Milosevic years ago. The problem being that whereas
Milosevic was a bad guy who was going down, an enemy being defeated,
Karzai was a bad guy who was our alleged ally, one who strongly
believed we needed him more than he needed us.) Holbrooke has also,
according to White House sources, not been a great favorite of Obama's.
This is particularly bad in an administration in which seeking the
favor of the president has taken on an importance that is in fact, much
more reminiscent of the historical czars than is the role being played
by anyone with this now devalued moniker.
This is a key point.
Not only have the czars seen their role diluted by bureaucratic
competition but they were never really given the authority their
informal titles implied. This is a classic failure of government and
business managers everywhere -- giving people responsibility for an
issue without truly giving them the authority to manage or lead it.
Does
anyone for a moment think George Mitchell is really in charge of
America's role in the Mideast Peace Process? Does anyone even really
know what Mitchell is doing? In the State Department there is constant
buzz that Mitchell is an inscrutable "black box"... and that people like
Under Secretary Bill Burns, people in the regional bureau and, of
course, Secretary Clinton can and should be playing a more central role
in shaping strategy than Mitchell. Mitchell's team hasn't helped his
standing with the White House much by going around taking shots at
White House Middle East expert Dennis Ross in private meetings with
Middle Eastern governments. Which has led the White House ... both within
the NSC and the Vice President's office to get more involved, etc. The
point is ... there are lots of players and Mitchell is no more a czar
than was Ingrid Berman playing Anastasia.
Paul Volcker
was a "czar" with responsibility for advising the president on
financial reform. But for most of his term he has been ignored, being
rolled out periodically for photo ops to show him as a validating grey
head. His Volcker Rule gained traction when it was clear many other
reforms were faltering. But the reality is Volcker, like the others is
more a prop than a czar. It's not that he or they are unwilling to
work or even that they don't have a huge amount to contribute. (I
suspect we'd all be better off if AfPak were really quarterbacked by
Holbrooke or financial reform were led by Volcker. These guys are among
the very best the Dems have and the way they are being treated is like
turning Albert Pujols or Kobe Bryant into reserves, playing them off
the bench.)
I suspect Holbrooke at the moment has to be
wondering whether he actually had more influence ... or a higher profile
... as a private citizen who deservedly was seen as a Democratic
Secretary of State in waiting. Volcker, I am told, knew what to expect
and took on the job because he knew it would periodically afford him
influence, that sooner or later he would be needed or heeded.
"Green
Czar" Carol Browner must feel the same way. Not only have her
priorities faltered but she has been overtaken in traction by other
members of the "Green Cabinet" and compromised by the fumbling on the
Hill. On international matters, the State Department's climate
negotiator had the clear lead although his efforts have encountered
stiff headwinds, on other issues Science Czar John Holdren has won more
traction, on others Steven Chu's team at Energy have. And while all
this would be denied by the players in question if asked about it in
public, you have to ask yourself why the experienced and respected
Browner, in the middle of an issue the president has set as one of his
priorities, would be on everyone's short list to be among those making
an early departure from the administration?
Other czars have
simply faced the bandwidth problem ... their issues have not risen to
prominence in the midst of an agenda set largely by an economic crisis
and a desire to move on a couple key issues such as health care and
managing the revolving door that is our Middle East troop deployment
strategy. Or alternatively, they just haven't been able to make much
progress or have faced unforeseen setbacks. Our Auto Industry Recovery
czar, Ed Montgomery, and our manufacturing czar Ron Bloom, have seen
their efforts remain hostage to the sluggish economy ... and it doesn't
look like our bailout of Chrysler is, in the end, going to do much
good. Our Guantanamo czar has found getting out of Guantanamo is
tougher than expected. Our Wall Street Pay Czar has had influence over
only a few companies and while he has tried to manage that the rest of
the financial community has been thumbing their noses at any idea of
bonus restraint. Dennis Ross who was designated as the "Central Region"
(Iran) Czar has worked hard -- and he like Holbrooke is one of the
very, very best out there -- but ultimately U.S. policy will cede
nuclear weapons status to Iran and our earnest but likely-to-be
ineffective sanctions efforts will be seen as futile.
And so
on. Admittedly our "Great Lakes Czar" can report that Huron, Ontario,
Michigan, Erie and Superior are all roughly where we were when Obama
came into office and Joshua DuBois our Faith-based Czar certainly has
not seen a major fall in America's collective need or hope for some
higher power to make sense of things. Because, as is almost always, the
higher powers we create -- even when they are given grandiose titles
like czars -- almost always disappoint for one reason or another.
Hopefully, soon Obama will recognize this and make a long over-due
return to the kind of simpler org chart that is almost always more
effective.
GPO via Getty Images
EXPLORE:AFGHANISTAN, DIPLOMACY, ENVIRONMENT, HILLARY, ISRAEL/PALESTINE, OBAMA ADMINISTRATION, STATE DEPARTMENT, U.S. FOREIGN POLICY
Honestly, I can't help but think that if George Mitchell had more authority with respect to our mid-east peace process, we'd probably be better off.
Sadly, his talents are wasted when the administration falls back on the time-honored and failed strategy of refusing to question the status quo and conventional beltway wisdom with respect to Mideast by providing more balance to the process. It's telling that some on the right were worried (including Dems) about George Mitchell precisely *because* he was such a good negotiator- people were worried that the U.S. might start holding BOTH the Israelis and Palestinians accountable for their attempts to stall and subvert the peace process and alas, that is all that has been taking place.
The irony of course is that it's not only the Israelis and Palestinians acting as self-defeating roadblocks to peace - the U.S. can't seem to help itself when it comes to preventing any meaningful change. Just look at Obama's backtracking on settlements- irrespective of where one stands on the issue there is no denying it was a game of diplomatic chicken with spoils for the strongest and Obama blinked because the usual suspects in Congress and on K Street (and in Israel) started screaming about the administration being hostile to Israel- utter nonsense of course. Would Mitchell have blinked? I honestly don't know but I can't help but think he's more interested in the end game than playing the tedious, political "I love Israel more than you do" game.
Most of this echoes criticisms I had made of the czar phenomenon back when President Obama started it, so I have nothing to add to what Rothkopf say here.
I do think his observation that Obama has a hard time making use of people he does not like personally is a shrewd one.
David Rothkopf is the CEO and Editor-at-Large of Foreign Policy. His new book, "Power, Inc.: The Epic Rivalry Between Big Business and Government and the Reckoning that Lies Ahead" is due out from Farrar, Straus & Giroux on March 1.
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