Tuesday, December 1, 2009 - 9:46 PM

On the morning of September 11, 2001, the front page of the New York Times contained stories on school dress codes, violence between Israelis and Palestinians, the struggling U.S. economy, stem cells, nuclear smuggling, and morning television.
Which is to say history is what happens when you are looking in the other direction.
That's not to suggest that the lead story in the newspaper is never the most important story of the day. It is however to urge we approach "news" with considerable caution. What seems newsworthy (Woods-Uchitel) is (the Salahis) often (Going Rogue) just a reflection of conventional wisdom about what's important and ignores other minor factors like history or the fact that people tend to want to read about salacious crap or journalists like to write about things that are easy to caricature politically. As with food we tend to be drawn to the fast, easy or tasty without really much consideration of what we really need.
So it is with the Afghanistan story. Now, it's hard to dismiss any presidential decision that will put over 100,000 American troops at risk as being unnewsworthy. But it is undeniable that most of the coverage misses the bigger point: Afghanistan is a costly distraction for the president, the military, and reporters on the lookout for the big stories of our times. It just barely makes the list of our Top 10 Concerns in the Region and would be unlikely to make the list of our Top 20 or 25 National Concerns overall. At least that would certainly be the case had we not made the decision to put so many of our sons and daughters at risk over there.
President Obama's speech seems brilliantly conceived to mesmerize the punditsphere thanks to what will either be seen by supporters as its balance or by its detractors as its compromises. (It's the Certs approach to speech writing: it's both a breath mint and a candy mint -- both an escalation and an exit, an effort to be tough with and to support the Afghan government, to strengthen institutions but not to do "nation building", to make the war about Afghanistan and about Pakistan, to support the military and to support the critics of the war.) But what all that masks is that every minute further the president is focused on Afghanistan and every dollar further we spend there is withdrawn from some other account, some other higher priority.
Let's just take the Middle East to illustrate the point. We begin, of course, with the fact that Afghanistan is not even the biggest challenge we face in AfPak. (That would be Pak, in case you haven't had your coffee yet.)
In fact here's a handy list you can argue about around the water cooler, the biggest challenges America faces in the Middle East in terms of the broader consequences associated with the problem:
And the only reason the decline of the dollar and the fiscal burdens on the U.S. economy that will severely limit our ability to act in the region are not on the list is that they seem very domestic ... but they would rank near the top otherwise. And as I noted before they are linked to the host of other issues domestic and international which actually outrank the Middle East (hard though that may be to believe to all our friends from all those lobbies, think tanks, and government contractors out there.)
This misplaced focus is revealed especially effectively in the regional context thanks to the juxtaposition of the final stages of this "Afghan decision" (and don't delude yourself into believing this is the last such "decision" or that the new policies will go very far toward resolving the core issues associated with stabilizing that country or getting out) with the recent announcement by the Iranians to proceed with plans to build 10 nuclear enrichment facilities. Whether or not they are capable of doing this, by now it should be quite clear that Iran has adopted a stance that virtually every one of America's enemies in the world has adopted during the past year. They have challenged us to demonstrate that we will simply not confront them in any effective way.
Call it Iraq fatigue, blame it on the economic crisis at home, call it a propensity for dithering, call it a learning curve, the primary message the Obama Administration has sent to the world this year is an unintended variation on the one they intended to send: this administration really is different from that of George W. Bush. On international matters, Bush acted without thinking whereas until this week, it seemed, Obama thought without acting. Given the developments of the past few days, it seems the president has now become adept at thinking and then giving the illusion of action while actually compromising many of the benefits of decisiveness away. For example, while committing the troops must be seen as a kind of an action, it is presented as a double negative thanks to the escalation-exit strategy structure. It's what Groucho Marx might have called the "Hello, I must be going" approach.
And the Iran problem illustrates the consequences of focusing elsewhere (although it is just one such example.) Because thanks to Bush's erroneous decision to focus on Iraq and Obama's premature (last Spring) decision to move his chips to Afghanistan -- thanks to their political and economic costs -- the United States has found it ever more difficult to credibly suggest to Iran that there will be any kind of negative consequences to their move toward becoming a nuclear power. And giving the bomb to the world's largest state sponsor of terror is almost certainly a much greater threat than anything we might see in either Afghanistan or Iraq. (Admittedly, Pakistan poses a similar problem ... and for my money, Pakistan and Iran are the places we ought to be focusing the most of our energy and efforts.) In fact, I sometimes wonder who is pulling the strings for the Iranians in the U.S. government because almost every action we have taken in the past decade or so seems to have inadvertently benefitted them or at least made it harder for us to influence them.
In the end, I'm going to cling to optimism and hope that Obama's decision produces the best possible outcome, the one he and his team clearly are hoping for: a few strong blows against al Qaeda and the Taliban, some measurable stabilization and an exit. Because history is happening elsewhere and as long as we are distracted with wars like this, we raise the likelihood that it will be happening to us rather than that we will have a constructive role in shaping it.
SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images
EXPLORE:AFGHANISTAN, BUSH ADMINISTRATION, CHINA, ECONOMICS, IRAN, IRAQ, ISRAEL/PALESTINE, NUKES, OBAMA ADMINISTRATION, RUSSIA, U.S. FOREIGN POLICY
I don't see it in the either/or dichotomy that you present here. Just, for example, based on what we know now about Obama's policies, how would exiting Afghanistan influence the crucially vital problem of our dependence on mideast oil. I mean, if this problem was simply one of money, sure it would free up extra billions to throw at the problem, perhaps even to create the illusion of millions of 'green jobs' that we were promised (a complete crock, just ask the Spanish). Rather, these are also problems of will: for example, Obama and co. have no will to drill for more oil (but we'll give Brazil money to do so), they have no will to invest one of the few realistic alternatives, nuclear power; on the other side, there is no will to take steps to reduce the demand equation. Which brings up another aspect to these problems, and that is that there may not be good solutions, no matter how much money we are willing to throw at them. Which leads directly to Iran.
I don't really know what Obama could be doing differently or better in regards to Iran. Iran has stated, quite plainly, that if we attack their nuclear sites they will take out the Saudi oil fields, which means $500/barrel oil (and no wonder the Russians love this!); you think we could reasonably stand this? So, Iran is right to laugh at any threat of force, because they know we can't stand this; regardless of Afghanistan. Obama's response seems to this seems very rational: try and build an international coalition against Iran. The fact that it's pretty much failed doesn't mean he was wrong for trying; maybe it was just the best possible thrust in a host of very tough problems, whether those are Iran, Afghanistan, or our dependence on oil.
But what would you have proposed in re the tens of thousands of our troops that are already in Afghanistan? You don't say, which makes your opinions on the importance of the conflict well-thought-out but cheap. We need to know what alternative you support and your view of its costs before we can begin to take your view seriously.
If you are for withdrawal at the earliest time possible, which your stated view of the conflict would seem to dictate, then you need to give an account of how that would play out and how our interests would be served by it. Additionally, although you wouldn't need to do this to prove the case that that should be the decision, you should acknowledge what this requires of the president (while those like me would have to acknowledge it would be his duty if I agreed with your assessment). Namely, you would require him to accept as his most visible national security action of his presidency the willing acceptance and management of our defeat in Afghanistan, in direct contravention of everything he has ever said he would do regarding the conflict and our commitment to it. Domestic politics must not dictate decions of war, but neither must they be ignored in discussions of the topic by citizens. You should at least acknowledge the size of the political bombshell you would require of the president if you hold him to the action that your view of the conflict would seem to require.
Two Points:
1. Bob Pape is probably right about the Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (Gist: Perceived Occupation breeds terrorism). We need to get the hell out of Afghanistan, and fight from afar. Use the Afghan model (Special Forces, Air Power, and Indigenous Fighters) to take out our enemies.
2. These are the regions of American Interest in order of most important to least important:
1. The Homeland/W. Hemisphere
2. Europe
3. Northeast Asia (Plus India and Pakistan)
4. Persian Gulf
5. Other
Afghanistan falls into the "Other" category. In other words, it simply isn't important in a strategic sense. Sure, an unstable Afghanistan might wreak havoc on Pakistan, but the potential for the loss of any of their nukes is very low.
This is the most cogent and well-rounded analysis of "the speech" I have seen. I will have to share the optimism that you cling to in your final paragraph. The alternatives are too hard to bear. President Obama has essentially doubled down on a bad hand that was left him by the previous player. The only redeeming virtue was that finally someone has said it - our ability to change the world has limits - in both human and financial resources. I have already heard several proponents of an open-ended commitment argue that we should be willing to pay any price to achieve security, but not to restore economic vitality for our own people. They may that find the people of this country, who have to pay the bills for these far-flung military occupations, will tire of the cost well before 'victory' (whatever that means) is achieved.
Your analysis of the Iranian threat is hands down the most intelligent one I have seen. Unfortunately, our Iraq mis-adventure has made dealing with Iran more difficult, and contributed to a real possibility of regional conflict, a rising tide of Muslim extremism and destabilization of governments across the Middle East and North Africa. Iran could have been a valuable ally, but we have made it into an opponent.
Despite the often acclaimed success of the surge, Iraq remains a very unstable state, with Sunni versus Shiite and Arab versus Kurd factionalism that could lead to a civil conflict as the US departs. At best, Iraq will end up a colony for its Shiite neighbor.
It is very likely that after trillions of dollars and thousands of US military deaths and tens of thousands of disabling injuries, our security may not be any greater. In a world in which we are less and less respected, the greatest threat to our country arises from the false notion of American exceptionalism and arrogance in the way we treat others.
David:
Congratulations on a cogent and thoughtful analysis of the current "situation" in Afghanistan---and elsewhere. The speech illustrates Obama's maddening desire always to compromise,split the difference and pacify as many players as possible. There is little doubt (in my mind) that the Afghan adventure is destined to be fruitless. It is not possible to "win" a war against a people who 1) will not leave as we must eventually and 2) have made a profession of tribal/irregular war. McChrystal is certainly right in one thing: you can't win by killing insurgents in Afghanistan since the more that you kill the more that you encourage to join up. The solution: recognize the limits of American power and the need to focus them on true national interests---which Afghanistan is not. All this carrying on about using it as a base is preposterous since many other venues are available and in some ways superior, such as Somalia, Yemen and apartments in Hamburg. A truly courageous speech/approach would be to announce a near term withdrawal and focus our efforts on true national interests such as reducing energy dependence, rebuilding the domestic infrastructure, restoring economic vitality and supporting the limited number of nations who generally share our world view and values. I'm confident that a year after we have left Afghanistan (whenever that may be) we will be wondering why we were there and what we got for our investment.
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Absurdity of US administration
It is a height of sheer absurdity for US government to claim that Pakistan’s nuclear weapons are in danger of falling in to the hands of Islamic extremists if Taliban insurgency wins in Afghanistan when Pakistan’s current democratic as well as previous military governments are sheltering and protecting the leaders of that very Taliban Afghan insurgency in Quetta, the provincial capital of Baluchistan.
General McChrystal clearly laid out in his assessment to President Obama that:
1. Most insurgent fighters in Afghanistan are directed by a small number of Afghan senior leaders based in Pakistan that work through an alternative political infrastructure in Afghanistan.
2. The Quetta Shura Taliban (QST) based in Quetta, the provincial capital of Baluchistan, is the No. 1 threat to US/NATO mission in Afghanistan. At the operational level, the Quetta Shura conducts a formal campaign review each winter, after which Mullah Mohammed Omar (Afghan Taliban Chief) announces his guidance and intent for the coming year.
3. Afghanistan's insurgency is clearly supported from Pakistan. Senior leaders of the major Afghan insurgent groups (QST, HQN and HiG) are based in Pakistan, are linked with al Qaeda and other violent extremist groups, and are reportedly aided by some elements of Pakistan's lSI. Al Qaeda and associated movements (AQAM) based in Pakistan channel foreign fighters, suicide bombers, and technical assistance into Afghanistan, and offer ideological motivation, training, and financial support.
Pakistan is sheltering and protecting these Afghan insurgent groups to reestablish its writ in Afghanistan as and when US leaves.
As Times of London reported on 9/28/09, Pakistani government started to relocate Afghan Taliban’s QST leaders to Karachi to protect them from impending US drone attacks on Quetta after the submittal of General McChrystal’s assessment.
With an ally like Pakistan, US has NO chance of winning in Afghanistan no matter how much military efforts or aid US pours there.
Thanks for the link to the old Folgers commercial. It was the most useful thing in your piece.
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Ah fu Khan to the United States into the quagmire of a war!
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David Rothkopf is the CEO and Editor-at-Large of Foreign Policy. His new book, "Power, Inc.: The Epic Rivalry Between Big Business and Government and the Reckoning that Lies Ahead" is due out from Farrar, Straus & Giroux on March 1.
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