Friday, June 5, 2009 - 11:40 PM

Among the most hotly debated issues arising from President Obama's speech in Cairo was whether or not he was implying a moral equivalency between the plight of the Palestinians and that faced by the Jews during the Holocaust. He and his team have denied this, but the juxtaposition of ideas in speeches does not occur entirely by accident. Neither does the juxtaposition of stops during presidential trips.
That President Obama went from Cairo to Germany and from a day where the central message was associated with his outreach to the Muslim world to one in which his central message was a commemoration of the Holocaust was purposeful. Frankly, to me it was slightly grotesque. "Ok Jews, if Cairo gave you heartburn here's a little Holocaust for you. Feeling better now?"
Further, the message delivered by the president at Buchenwald, was as carefully calculated as all his messages are to resonate different ways with different audiences. Again, the juxtaposition of Buchenwald with Cairo colors how we hear words like:
This place teaches us that we must be ever vigilant about the spread of evil in our times. ... We have to guard against cruelty in ourselves. ...And it is now up to us, the living, in our work, wherever we are, to resist injustice and intolerance and indifference in whatever forms they may take and ensure that those who were lost here did not go in vain."
Palestinians will undoubtedly greet those remarks as affirmations of their cause even as Israelis may greet them as a recognition of the lessons of the Holocaust. It is a deft politician who can use such a blend of language, setting and day-to-day context to deliver potent and seemingly supportive message to two deeply divided groups at the same time.
Whose evil is he referring to? Whose cruelty? He dances with issues of equivalency but never gets so close as to actually embrace them.
This helps him with his outreach to the Muslim world because he seems to be saying the Israelis are hypocrites and while they have used the Holocaust for years to justify the existence of their state and the often tough tactics they have used in defense of it, perhaps we can now join together in using it against them. And for the Jews he says, I feel your pain.
Indeed, on this trip, for all the talk of Muslims he has sought to take a page out of the playbook of a popular Christian icon, Santa Claus, offering something for everyone. For Muslims the speech, for Jews Buchenwald, for Palestinians tough talk about Israeli settlements, for Israelis talk of an unbreakable bond with the U.S., for anti-Iranians criticism of Ahmadinejad's Holocaust denial, for Iranians acknowledgement of their "right" to a civilian nuclear program, for the American right attacks against "violent extremists," for the left no use of George Bush's favorite word "terrorism." And so on.
Thus, while the equivalency debate may continue to boil for some time without resolution (because everyone can hear what they want to or what they fear to in his recent statements), it underscores that the message of this trip seems to be that there is no position so divided that the U.S. cannot be on both sides of it, no group pair of enemies so embittered that we cannot offer support to both sides. While I am willing to accept the Administration's assertion that there was no implied equivalency between the actions of the Israelis against the Palestinians and those of the Nazis against the Jews, I am more troubled by the fact that the President or his team somehow think that leadership and diplomacy require that we view all issues as somehow equivalent...that there is no idea that cannot be bartered for another, balanced by a countervailing thought.
Obama on this trip has become President of Newton's Third Law of Motion. For every action, for every word, there is an equal and opposite reaction...and the United States will embrace both.
While some may hope to see this as the impartiality of the peacemaker, others might reasonably fear that it is the moral vacuity of a politician who seeks to be all things to all people. As my friend Tom Friedman often says, "just because George Bush or Dick Cheney says something doesn't always mean it is not true." There are absolutes. There are countries with whom we have greater shared interests than others. There are crimes that are worse than other wrongs. To restore American leadership does not mean having everyone like us. We can take stands that are more difficult and controversial than the President's statements today opposing Holocaust denial and genocide. (Though it might be worth exploring whether we are opposed only to genocide during or after the fact or whether we are willing to actually try to stop those who threaten it...as do the Iranians and the leaders of the militant wing of Hamas in their views toward the destruction of Israel. And by the way, by stopping them I don't mean reprimanding them.)
The answer as to whether Obama ultimately lives up to our hopes or our fears come when his actions illustrate whether there are values we are not willing to negotiate, points that can't be balanced, enemies we are willing to oppose, friends we are willing to stand by even when it is unpopular. Tell me the day that Obama is willing to make his first enemy in order to defend a deeply held principle and I will tell you the day he ascends from being a politician to being a statesman.
JENS-ULRICH KOCH/AFP/Getty Images
This post seems way too paranoid to me, expressing outrage at moral equivalency that you implied into the speech and wish to let fester as a resentment while you mock Obama's visit to Buchenwald as not enough. It feels like this feigned outrage will be used as yet another excuse to refuse to sympathize with the Palestinians at the peace table. This intransigent attitude adds to the perception that the Holocaust is being abused as an all-purpose excuse to deflect responsibility for any of Israel's actions and to engage in aggressive war and other crimes. This further drags down Israel's image in the US and the world as an intransigent and unreasonable nation-state. It saddens me but it also tests my patience. And I am not alone.
I really encourage all readers of this column to read the postings a little more carefully. Not because there is anything so special in the column. But it almost certainly will reduce the number of aggravating responses like the one preceding. First, no paranoia here. That implies a fear of something. Regarding the moral equivalency in the speech, I didn't imply it, others did...I even dismissed it later in the post. I was getting to a different kind of equivalency...the sense that everything could be balanced with some other thing to keep everyone as happy as possible with us. I certainly did not mock the visit to Buchenwald. I questioned its timing and the motives of the spin doctors who cooked up the schedule. As for the Palestinians...huh? What are you saying? Because I am Jewish that somehow my opinion influences the process of the Mideast peace talks? I wish you were right. But the outcome would be different because I am an all two-state solution, stop the settlements, negotiate now kind of guy. Wonder why you jumped to another conclusion? As for the abuse of the Holocaust...my concern is precisely yours. I don't think it should be abused...or used...by anyone. Israel's actions are, however, not justified by the Holocaust. They are justified by the legitimate right to self-defense that any country surrounded by those who deny their right to exist would consider a priority. As for you being saddened and your patience being tested, surely that's a sign of something but I am not sure what. Given your tendency to misread, distort, impute motives that don't exist, etc...does this mean Israel is alientating the intellectually careless and biased? I don't minimize that, it's a big audience. But I'm not sure it's one I seek out for this blog.
Paragraphs, David.
I am more troubled by the fact that the President or his team somehow think that leadership and diplomacy require that we view all issues as somehow equivalent...that there is no idea that cannot be bartered for another, balanced by a countervailing thought.
It's something we see with Obama on the domestic level here in the US as well. I attribute it to his relative lack of political "roots" on the national level - he doesn't have an established power base aside from the institutional prerogatives of the Presidency and what he built up in the 2008 campaign to "balance" himself off if he needs to go sharply critical and one-sided, so he tries to make up for it with lots of consensus.
I admit that saying I thought the post was paranoid was intellectually careless and not well-considered. For that, I apologize.
As for the justification for Israel's actions being based on a "legitimate right to self-defense by those who would deny their right to exist," it is my understanding that this justification will be coming under more thorough examination within the framework of international law and that the US may be reexamining its policy of automatic tacit approval of all of Israel's military maneuvers based on an absolute claim of self-defense, especially after the actions in Lebanon in 2006 and Gaza in 2008. For myself, this is when I started examining Israel's claims in depth (dragging out the old international law degree as it were).
Before I leave your blog, I just want to express my concern about why any questions as to Israel's actions results in a torrent of abuse and denigration as to the intellectual bona fides and bias of the questioner.
David, I won't address the substance of your response to Dalybean, which--although he's sloppy in implying that you, personally, will use "this" as an "excuse" rather than making clear that your line of reasoning here (whether you take credit for it or not) leaves itself open to exploitation by those who may want to perfunctorily bash Palestinians (that seems like a misreading of Dailybean on your part, and a dangerous one, willful or otherwise)--is as speculative your article itself. But for you to address one of your interlocutors as "intellectually careless and biased" because their phrasing haste caused you to read their message in a particular way is inexcusably rude.
You have an extraordinarily narrow reading of his comment--one that is easily as "intellectually careless and biased" as you think the comment itself is. You have an intellectual duty to seek out what appears to be what your discussant thinks he means, rather than taking him to mean whatever you wish and replying to that. Otherwise you're arguing with phantoms and strawmen. You didn't do your work here; you didn't think it through. But you won't be implying that you should leave your blog, as you implied Dalybean should, will you? Of course not. And of course you shouldn't. Your reading of the comment is one among many, and by no means the most likely. But people misread all the time.
If, however, I misread Dalybean--if he did mean to imply that you, David Rothkopf, are in some way stockpiling anti-Jew grievances to pull out "at the peace table" "against" Palestinians--then I join you in your marked disapproval. That's just plain dumb. But that doesn't appear, after careful scrutiny, to be what Dalybean said.
I don't disagree with your main point here, but I remember something like half my professors in college and law school speaking like this. You could call it a form of over-intellecualizing, and it's possibly a symptom of never having had to make hard choices in the 'real' world (i.e., outside academia or the type of government service where one has the option of voting present). These types are fun to argue with, but it's hard to imagine them actually being in charge of anything.
I don't really have a problem with Obama's foreign policy, so far; it's his economic policies that I think are dreadful. And it's ironic: Here you have this epitome of 21st-Century man, and he's adopting 1970s-style economics. Where's the private innovation and daring risk-taking that are the mark of this era? I bet some of those Silicon Valley millionaires that supported him are having second thoughts about now.
Good for David for spelling out these concerns
The other day about this:
Which is just one more reason why today's speech, for all the merits clearly underlying its conception and evident in its execution, made me uneasy.
I wondered what other reasons beyond a breach of his rather precious standard of separation of faith and state for the president of the United States while abroad might be the cause of David's unease.
I would be remiss not to slaute David's accountability in making them explicit here. I still wonder at the reasons, but now differently.
Folks,
What's with all the stuff about me being hyper-sensitive about Israel? My views on Israel, cited in the piece, are not those of the current Israeli Administration, and dovetail with those of the majority of the "realist" community. I have no hesitation about criticizing Israel and have not criticized for a moment Obama for taking a tougher stance on settlements, for example, which I think is totally justified by U.S. interests. This piece is not about Jewish issues either. I don't like the triangulations involved in identity politics. I don't like the idea that all things are equal enough to be balanced out as they were in the President's speech and regional policies. I also, per my earlier post, strongly advocate a separation between church and state. It's one reason why my family...despite having almost three dozen members killed in the Holocaust...came to the United States rather than Israel. And I don't much like bias or the imputation of bias that does not exist. Let's differ on our opinions...let's have a civil exchange on that. The only times you will see me get sharp with people in these responses is when I sense that bias or recklessness or something else we could do without is driving the response.
The only times you will see me get sharp with people in these responses is when I sense that bias or recklessness or something else we could do without is driving the response.
After seeing the general tenor of the comments here over the past couple days, I revise my "inexcusably rude" down to excusably rude. (I hadn't reviewed any comments here prior to posting a couple days ago, naively assuming that the norm would be to keep it civil and sincere.) Wow.
Simply put, people read into things. You are critical of Walt's theories and methods about "the Lobby" (remember, Walt is impugning motives and tactics to fellow Americans), therefore you must be hypersensitive about Israel.
Is this honestly about my response, or is it a general caution? Because while I certainly have written things I would expect you to react to in the past, I don't see how what I have written here can be described as you do.
Your dreadful post a few months smearing Walt (“Why Freeman himself was wrong about what his defeat signified”) proved how hypersensitive about Israel you are.
Here, I must disagree with you and the pundits.
I felt that the Holocaust issue is one the Arab world needed addressed in this way. As a Westerner, married into this culture, I have many times had to have the "Holocaust is not a hoax" argument. Despite remaining very pro-Palestinian, and how can I not be when this is half of my children's heritage, I still have little tolerance for such arguments, even from educated peoples.
Like it or not, the Holocaust and injustices like it are the reason the UN favored the creation of the Israeli state. It is the reason that non-Jews still see as the reason it is needed as a mantel of protections for Jews. And, because of this, it is a sticking point in the Arab world discussions. It culminates in everything from the Holocaust was a hoax to we did not do it so the West should have had to pay the price. I see his comments as saying "'eib" or shame, you should know better. You cannot only look at your suffering, but at others suffering as well. I know by experience, "'eib" and "harram" works wonders on this argument, probably because the position is born of anger, not conscience.
It seems by the punditry, that maybe the Arabs were not the only ones that need a reminder, and someone shaking their finger saying 'eib.
David Rothkopf is the CEO and Editor-at-Large of Foreign Policy. His new book, "Power, Inc.: The Epic Rivalry Between Big Business and Government and the Reckoning that Lies Ahead" is due out from Farrar, Straus & Giroux on March 1.
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