Posted By David Rothkopf

Perhaps by the time you read this, the asteroid named 2005 YU 55 will have sped past the earth, missing the top of your head by like 200,000 miles, which is nothing in astronomical terms. In fact, given that most items in space are light years apart, the near rendezvous with the 1,300 foot wide chunk of rock and ice is essentially the same thing as a direct hit.

Yet, because astronomers have told us not to worry, I haven't noticed long lines of cars heading out of the city and up toward higher ground. I don't recall reading about a run on hard hats or Bruce Willis and Ben Affleck heading into outer space to save us. There's been no panic. Even though a slight miscalculation on the part of the astronomers who track space rocks could have left us vulnerable to a devastating direct hit. This rock the size of skyscraper would obliterate a city if such a collision were to take place, even one of considerable size that has -- cockroach like -- resisted many other attempts by nature to dispose of it, like Los Angeles.

But despite the fact that many of them grew up lonely in musty-smelling rooms chock-full of collectible action-figures from Battlestar Gallactica and large wall calendars counting down the days before the next Comic Con, we take the reassuring words we have heard from our astronomers to heart. (Haven't we seen the movies, folks? Don't we realize that all abuse these nerds must have suffered in high school scarred them and left them with plenty of motive to drop a decimal place or two, move to a shack in the Rockies and watch the unhappy ending while snuggly tucked under their Luke Skywalker sheets?)

Jay Melosh, who I am hoping is actually a perfectly normal guy who played baseball and has gone on dates, is one of those "experts" upon whom we are relying. He is, according to the Los Angeles Times, a specialist in "impact cratering." What motivates a guy to choose such a life's work? It's probably better that we don't ask. Because we want him to be right. We need him to be right. After all, he is one of those whose words we find comforting enough to allow us to go about our business while 2005 YU55 hurtles straight at us. "This one," Melosh said, "would be a city-buster, but would not wipe out civilization."

What a relief. It would only destroy everything in a 60-mile wide radius if it hit land or create a monster tidal wave 200 feet high if it fell into the sea.

But we take him at his word because he's an expert. (Admittedly one who is far from both big cities and tidal-wave vulnerable shorelines.) Experts like him are telling us not to worry. And once again, trusting souls that we are, we are buying it.

We just have to hope that these experts are better than the experts who told us that deregulating international financial markets or allowing banks to cook up all sorts of derivative markets without any adult supervision would make us all safer. We have to hope that they are smarter than the experts that told us that bankers could be trusted to "self-regulate." We have to trust that they know more than the geniuses who got paid tens of millions to watch after other peoples money and who assured them the best place for it was with Bernie Madoff or in MF Global Holdings.

We have to trust that they are more attuned to reality than those who even now still suggest that once-in-a-hundred-year financial catastrophes occur every 100 years even though we could well be on the verge of our second such event in 3 years any minute now.

No, surely these underpaid socially-ostracized geeks whose word we are taking at face-value about the future of civilization must be better than all those Armani-suited, Harvard-educated millionaires who collect supermodels like the rest of us collect lint in our navels. Or the highly touted geniuses who regulate financial markets or the glamorous billionaire publishing magnate politicians who tell us not to worry they will return Italy to its former glory. Or the air traffic controllers who manage to keep the near-misses to a bare minimum. Or the highly-trained NFL or FIFA referees who never get one wrong. Or the doctors who never make a wrong diagnosis.

No, these are experts. We have nothing to worry about. Having said that, I have two final points for you. One, the next time you see a nerdy little kid who has taught himself elfin and can recite verbatim all the dialogue from the entire Lord of the Rings trilogy, hug him. He needs love. He needs to feel like he and the rest of civilization have at least something in common. And while you're at it, buy him an extra battery or two for his calculator. And two, having thought about how well the best experts are doing for us protecting us from global financial calamity and ensuring safe outcomes in other expert-dependent government systems from healthcare to transportation, I'm writing this from a secure corner of my basement. While wearing a snorkel.

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Last week, NASA Administrator Charlie Bolden said in reference to Friday's launch of the last of 135 space shuttle missions,

Some say that our final shuttle mission will mark the end of America's 50 years of dominance in human spaceflight. As a former astronaut and the current NASA Administrator, I want to tell you that American leadership in space will continue for at least the next half-century because we have laid the foundation for success -- and here at NASA failure is not an option.

No, Charlie, at today's NASA, failure is not an option. It's an inevitability.

It's inevitable not because the quality of the men and women of NASA has declined. They remain among the best the United States has to offer. However, they have been drawn to a fabled program more because of what it has done in the past than what it is likely to do in the future. And that fact reveals the root cause of NASA's crisis -- and make no mistake, the program is more deeply in crisis than even during the dark hours around tragedies from the Apollo launch pad fire to the Challenger explosion to the disintegration of the Columbia on re-entry in 2003.

NASA is on a course to cede more than half a century of leadership in manned spaceflight not because of what has happened in Houston or at Kennedy Space Center in Florida or because of something that happened in space. No, NASA was undone by a loss of vision among America's political elites.

Simply put, they have forgotten how to lead and as a consequence, they have sacrificed our ability to lead as a nation. The national dialogue is devoid of a compelling vision of tomorrow, of the kind of lift that is essential if we are to head in any direction but down.

When I talk about such a dialogue, I'm not talking about the kind of reflexive, simplistic and misleading debate about whether we can afford a manned space program when the country is broke. No, I'm talking about the debate that real leaders, clear-eyed men and women who aspire to a better future, should continuously be having about how we ensure the country has the resources it needs to do those things it cannot afford to do without…including the exploration of new frontiers, the development of new technologies, and the inspiration of future generations.

You see, brain-dead political posturing of the sort that marks the current childish and irresponsible budget bickering in Washington has been going on for years. And as a consequence, the national patrimony has been given away in the form of tax breaks for rich individuals and companies that do not need them, deserve them or, in many cases, even want them. Whether George W. Bush offered up tax cuts and went into wars of choice because of deep seated ideological beliefs or for political gain, in so doing he didn't just obliterate America's surplus, he helped doom us to the period we are now entering: a period of austerity-induced withdrawal and decline.

When Republicans make the specious and childish arguments (see both David Brooks and David Leonhardt in the New York Times -- Leonhardt's piece is especially good) about not "raising taxes" at a time when we need to do everything to balance the budget, they are not just risking disaster and seeking to sacrifice the poor to pay for indulgences for the wealthy, they are effectively inviting China, Europe, India, and others to lead in the century ahead.

Manned spaceflight will continue…and Russians, Europeans, Japanese, Chinese, and others will step up to fill the void left by the fat, feckless Americans. We will be left with grainy images of John Kennedy setting the bold goal to reach the moon within a decade and wonder why such things could be achieved by greater generations that came before. How is it that once political leaders inspired by setting great goals and today our goals seem to be so defensive, so retrograde?

"We choose to go to the moon," said Kennedy in the late summer of 1962, "We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because the goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win…."

Now, our goals are what? To get back to where we were a decade ago? Back to a budget surplus? Back to a fairer tax code? Back to American global leadership that was untainted by missteps from Iraq to Guantanamo to Afghanistan? 

To paraphrase another Kennedy, there are those -- among today's politicians -- who look at things the way they are and ask why…and then they dream of things that never were and do everything in their power to ensure we can't achieve them. In fact, in some cases, in the case of NASA and manned spaceflight -- the real stuff of dreams and inspiration and innovation and national pride and historical accomplishments -- it appears that we are going to stop even trying. As a consequence, when the Atlantis touches down, it will not just be a remarkable reusable spacecraft coming back to earth, it will also be, in a real way, a country's dreams grounded…at least until a true leader emerges again to set goals that lift us and drive us forward.

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The Japanese nuclear crisis, though still unfolding, may, in a way, already be yesterday's news. For a peek at tomorrow's, review the testimony of General Keith Alexander, head of U.S. Cyber Command. Testifying before Congress this week and seeking support to pump up his agency budget, the general argued that all future conflicts would involve cyber warfare tactics and that the U.S. was ill-equipped to defend itself against them.

Alexander said, "We are finding that we do not have the capacity to do everything we need to accomplish. To put it bluntly, we are very thin, and a crisis would quickly stress our cyber forces. ... This is not a hypothetical danger."

The way to look at this story is to link in your mind the Stuxnet revelations about the reportedly U.S. and Israeli-led cyber attacks on the Iranian nuclear enrichment facility at Natanz and the calamities at the Fukushima power facilities over the past week. While seemingly unconnected, the stories together speak to the before and after of what cyber conflict may look like. Enemies will be able to target one another's critical infrastructure as was done by the U.S. and Israeli team (likely working with British and German assistance) targeting the Iranian program and burrowing into their operating systems, they will seek to produce malfunctions that bring economies to their knees, put societies in the dark, or undercut national defenses.

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This morning's New York Times contains an article quoting various "regional experts" as saying that the current upheaval in the region is playing into the hands of Iran. This is a flawed analysis on several levels.

First, we are so early in this process that it is premature to say who will benefit from or be damaged by it. It is still too early to know how many states will be affected or what the effects of the revolutions will be. Several scenarios are plausible. In one, prolonged upheaval, Iran may benefit as the alliance that existed against it is compromised. In another, a shift to democracy, Iran may or may not benefit depending on the orientation of the government, but in all likelihood it would be damaged as more democratic governments are likely to be both more open to the rest of the world and an inspiration to the repressed people of Iran. In a third, a new generation of strongmen emerges, you could theoretically have pro-Iranian Islamic states take hold, but the reality is, given the long-term history of Iran within the region, old anti-Iranian alliances would recoalesce. This is especially true because new regimes would likely have large military components comprising experienced officers who have been in anti-Iranian stance throughout their careers.

Iran is certainly working to take advantage of the current uncertainty, using Hezbollah, Hamas, and related networks to promote both the instability it seeks and voices that it considers friendly. But Iran is not, and cannot ever be, "of" the Arab world. The cultural and historic barriers are too great. And therefore, the notion of it somehow creating an enduring network of states aligned to it is far-fetched.

This point about Iran however, does bring into focus a bigger point about the nature and future of the remarkable wave of revolutions currently sweeping across the region. Just as Iran is in the Middle East without being, in the minds of its Arab neighbors, a real part of their world, so too has the great problem of the Middle East at large been that for a variety of historical, political, and cultural reasons it has been in the world without having been of it.

The cultural disposition of the region has been to set itself apart, to create barriers to integration to the rest of the world, and in fact, to view integration with the rest of the world as a threat. This is a generalization, of course. There are hugely sophisticated global business leaders from the region, and there are cosmopolitan pockets within each of the countries of the Middle East. But for intentional and unintentional reasons -- education, religious views, political ideologies, social stratification, deliberate policy choices made by ruling regimes -- the benefits of integrating into the global economy have not been as available to people from the region as they have been to others in the Americas, Europe, or Asia.

The regional experts assessing the situation in the New York Times article are viewing what is happening purely in terms of old paradigms and politics. But one of the most important questions raised by the current situation is whether we are not seeing merely the latest round of political musical chairs, but rather we are seeing something deeper and more profound that could alter historical patterns. This is not, by the way, just an abstract question. It has very practical strategic implications for how the world outside the region handles the remainder of this period of change.

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Posted By David Rothkopf

It can be argued that one of the several ways in which most states have lost power during the past several decades is associated with the declining inclination and ability of most to go to war. Hard as this may be to accept in a world in which wars dominate the headlines, it is a fact and it has several origins.

First, fewer than 20 countries really possess the power to project force beyond their borders in any meaningful way. Further, only about a dozen have nuclear capability, and fewer still have any long-distance missile capability. And only one really has the capability to wage global war from space, land, sea, and air. (And that one seems stretched waging two regional conflicts in the Middle East.)

Further the costs associated with modern warfare are too high. The 20th Century delivered this message in devastatingly clear human terms and the economic costs were also proven to be immense. War went from being an all too regularly used form of diplomacy by other means to being madness.

Major powers were forced not by goodness but by a rational calculus to find other ways to resolve disputes. Not always...but with greater regularity than in the past. To take just one example, Europe, once addicted to war, effectively swore off the continental conflicts that defined its history. For the most part, war became an affliction of failed or failing states or a very regionalized phenomenon. The big powers for the most part took on much weaker adversaries or engaged in proxy conflicts. And even those engagements have grown intolerably costly as advanced technologies were demonstrated to combine well with unconventional tactics on the part of weaker states engaging stronger ones.

While risks still abound, long term trends have been encouraging...Until now.

Take three news stories from the past week. The first is the piece in today's Times indicating that U.S. commanders are contemplating increasing drone attacks in Pakistan due to concerns about inaction by the Pakistani military. The second concerns reports of a computer worm targeting the Iranian nuclear program. And the last is associated with the statement by Hugo Chavez that Venezuela, though sitting on an ocean of oil, needed to seriously explore "peaceful" nuclear technologies.

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Posted By David Rothkopf

I was one of those kids who grew up in the '60s mesmerized by the space program. I actually, geekily, wrote NASA regularly requesting pictures of astronauts and sending in my own ideas for spacecraft, mission patches and the like. They would reply with thick envelopes full of press releases and eight by tens of my astronaut heroes, glossy proof that in our times anything was possible.

I watched the moon landing from summer camp where my store of newspaper clippings on space shots was the focus of considerable commentary (and not in a good way...leading to plenty of taunting, hazing, and one night alone on a tiny mosquito infested island in the middle of our lake). We had a small black and white television in the lodge up there in Readfield, Maine and we watched the ghostly images of Neil Armstrong leaping off the lunar lander ("yes...yes...the Lunar Excursion Module...the L.E.M...." cries out the little geek with black-framed glasses sitting as close as possible to the screen fully aware that his outburst will lead to the short-sheeting of his bed). It was not just moving for me, it was life defining. It was evidence that ours was an era apart and it was a harbinger of more amazing things to come. We didn't need Harry Potter. We had real magic happening before our eyes.

Sadly, in terms of the space program, that day 40 years ago this week was a high water mark emotionally if not technologically and in the years since we seem to have lost our sense of adventure and our connection to the ancient human impulse to constantly explore as far as possible beyond the limits of our knowledge. Our decision not to build as we might have on the achievements of the Apollo program is to me a sign we suffered a failure of national imagination.

During the presidential campaign last year, there was a conscious effort to draw analogies between John Kennedy, the symbolic father of the space program, and Barack Obama. There was a clear sense that association with the Kennedys would offer Obama a "right stuff" infusion. Personally, I found the whole business pretty distasteful, in part because I feel that Kennedy is almost certainly the most over-rated American political leader of the 20th Century and that there is an unsavory dimension to his history and that of his family that neither reflects well on them, nor on those who choose to overlook it. I also don't much buy into that greatness by association formula that is so popular within spin community.

That said, here we are six months into the Obama administration and there are strong indications that the president did not take the analogies lightly, that he is in a real way aspiring to the Kennedy example. Indeed, despite the inevitable grappling with both the learning curve and the curve balls thrown by circumstance, I think it is possible to argue that Barack Obama more than any recent president has sought to set goals that if achieved would have massive, global and ennobling consequences.

In fact, in a few key areas at least the President of the United States has broken free of the gravitational pull of Washington incrementalism and he already has us embarked on not one but perhaps as many as three different moonshots, national initiatives of importance comparable to those we cheered when back when British Open runner-up Tom Watson was still young.

One of these is closely related to the dark underside of the space program, the nuclear arms race that had us all as kids cowering in our school hallways beneath the winter coats that were supposed to protect us from thermonuclear fireballs. It is Obama's pledge, made in Prague, to seek the reduction and eventual elimination of nuclear weapons programs that resonates most like Kennedy's commitment to put a man on the moon in ten years. It seems impossible. It is redolent with hope. It would mark a breakthrough in the history of human civilization. In fact, it would mark multiple breakthroughs including both advancing the cause of peace and security worldwide and moving us toward more effective next generation global governance mechanisms. In this latter case, the breakthrough would come because there is no way to achieve Obama's goal without a successor to the Non-Proliferation Treaty that guarantees the international community the right to inspect at will and the right to use all means including force to ensure compliance.   

Another existential threat, climate change, is the target of another of Obama's moonshots. He has powerfully articulated his belief that global warming and continued reliance on fossil fuels exposes the United States and the world to manifold risks. Finally, the United States is seeking to play a leadership role in crafting an international agreement to reduce green house gas emissions. At the same time, the U.S. is investing unprecedented sums in cultivating alternative energy forms and finding ways to capture and harmlessly store carbon. Success on this front could well be the defining achievement of the current generation of world leaders. (Interesting what a vitally important role the Department of Energy, long the black hole of the U.S. bureaucracy, plays in two of these signature Obama initiatives.)

A third moonshot is the president's commitment to fix America's broken health care system. While this may seem prosaic and hardly as elevating as launching men into space or ending the threat of a nuclear or climatic end to human life on earth, nothing less than the role of the United States as a leading nation depends on our ability to get our arms around the massive underfunded liability we face in retirement health care. At the same time, when the last major economy on earth finally agrees with all the other developed nations that healthcare is a fundamental human right, it will represent a watershed in our view of the nature and role of governments. And the costs associated with this particular challenge will almost certainly exceed those associated with the space program...by at least 250 times. (The roughly 180 billion 2009 dollars it cost to put a man on the moon is roughly the same as was allocated for the AIG bailout. So by that measure, already the Obama Administration has plenty more moonshots to its credit.)

Each of these objectives is worthy and each is a massive undertaking. Any administration that accomplished one would secure its place in history. Throw in a few other largish objectives -- like achieving peace in the greater Middle East -- and there's no denying that America's long drought of vision and ambitions on a grand scale is over. We're no longer in the school uniforms or "don't ask, don't tell" territory any more, Toto. (Of course, it's worth remembering that we put a man on the moon at the same time as we fought the war in Vietnam, launched the "Great Society", implemented the Civil Rights Act of 1964...all effectively under the remarkable and under-appreciated leadership of Lyndon Johnson.)

But of course, the reason that today we are seeing replay after replay of Kennedy's pledge to put a man on the moon in a decade is because we actually achieved the goal. As of now, all three of Obama's moonshots seem even more unlikely to be achieved than did putting a human on a satellite of earth 240,000 miles away. But for the moment, it's worth celebrating the fact that we are thinking big again, that we are still game for attempting the worthy but seemingly impossible which is why I am declaring today a cynicism free national holiday in honor of the imagination, chutzpah, and hard work that made the achievement of July 21, 1969 possible. I even feel my imagination stirring a bit. But rest assured, I am not planning on building a model spent nuclear fuel disposal facility in my bedroom or sending fan mail to climate envoy Todd Stern. The last thing I need is for my wife to start short-sheeting our bed

Matt Stroshane/Getty Images

Posted By David Rothkopf

As Barack Obama trotted the globe toward the end of last week, back home a story on the technology front was creating a bit of a buzz. Google announced its plans to introduce a new operating system called Chrome OS that tech sector experts saw as a frontal assault on Microsoft. Chrome would go after Microsoft where it lived, attempting to offer an alternative to its Windows franchise that has dominated since the dawn of the PC era it helped make possible. But Chrome would employ a new paradigm, the idea the future of computers is in harnessing the power of the web, that vast computing power, storage capacity and other resources can be found in the "clouds" of computers that are linked together in the Internet universe. 

Chrome's full potential is far off. It will first only be introduced for netbooks later this year. Laptop and desktop versions are many months away. But reading about the announcement and talking to a bunch of computer users, I came away with the sense that the market was viewing this introduction with great hope.

Why? Well, in large part because Microsoft is seen as having become a complacent bully. Microsoft was a tech darling in the 1990s, a symbol of American ingenuity and a likely engine of future American growth. When its market capitalization grew greater than that of GM, it made headlines. Ironically, this ascendancy came at the same time as America's post-Cold War assumption of its role of sole-superpower. In the mid-90s, America and Microsoft were clearly the future of the world. 

Then both started to abuse their power. America, in the wake of 9/11, undercut the international system it built, rhetorically flaunted its hallowed values and then crudely and repeatedly undercut them in its behaviors. Microsoft went from a symbol of the garage-launched entrepreneurial energy of the tech revolution to being a ruthless crusher of competitors. In fact, it became so dominant, that it felt it could foist on the American public products that didn't work, were full of bugs, were vulnerable to security breaches and, as in the case of Vista, should never have been released in the first place.

Microsoft blew it. Today, consumers and specialists alike are rooting for it to fail. (Hence the love affair with Apple which is seen as the resilient insurgent, the better unconventional choice, even in its advertisements.) Fortunately, for tech consumers worldwide, the growth of Microsoft and the tech sector led to the birth of competitors like Google (founded just over a decade ago.) Google itself is now so large that many wonder if it will become complacent or employ ever-more unfair competitive practices. But it is also big enough that it actually has a chance to undo Microsoft's stranglehold on the inside of the world's computers (of all sizes and shapes), perhaps the most important real estate on the planet earth today (which is appropriately largely virtual).

Under George W. Bush, America also blew the opportunity to consolidate the position it achieved as victor of the Cold War. For years now, many have been rooting for America to fail as well. Certainly, this was never so clear as in the calls for an end to American capitalism during the peak of the financial crisis. But here is where America's fate has thus far diverged from that of its industrial doppelganger Microsoft (the fall of GM, Microsoft's predecessor in the flagship company role, echoes and amplifies many of the points made above...it too grew complacent, ignored the consumer...and invited the competition that has crushed it.) Because while the American brand endured untold damage during the previous administration and continues to be damaged with each passing week of this economic crisis for which we are seen to be responsible, there is still no alternative brand with anything like the appeal of our system, our values or, even today, our track record for creating opportunity for our people.

There is No Alternative (TINA) was a favorite watchword of Margaret Thatcher, used by her to indicate that market capitalism was the only way, and used by her supporters to indicate that she was the only viable option available for saving Britain from the slough of despond it had entered in the 70s. Her enemies were the socialist ideas that had grown so popular in Europe in the post-war era. Soviet communism cooperated by failing during her years in power. And she, of course, spoke for a perspective that was not just British, but was embraced by her soul-brother Ronald Reagan. In a way, it all seems very old-fashioned now. That world seems far away with the Cold War over, the G8 on its last legs, emerging powers rising, America's brand so damaged. And yet, search the horizon. America's greatest ally remains TINA.

Barack Obama can lose his star luster and conduct only marginally effective, workman-like diplomacy as he did last week, and still, post-Bush, post-Iraq, post-Guantanamo, post-Lehman America remains at the center of every critical discussion, the most important player, the basis for all comparisons. China, the rising rival, gains its power from descriptions of how it will have an economy equal to America's within decades...but it is no real alternative. Its political system is defective, fraying at its ethnic edges. Its economic growth is admirable but when we get to the far side of this crisis and the world is depending on China to pick up the slack in the place of diminished American demand, we will see that there are perhaps 50 million Chinese who are anything like Western consumers, a true addition to the market roughly the size of a mid-sized European economy. China with Russia and others seek to sell an alternative to the dollar and the response of world markets is deeply skeptical. Other revolutionary voices for the most part echo the failed approaches of the past.

Had there been a good alternative, now would have been a great moment for it to emerge. In fact, it is perhaps the most telling indictment of the alternatives that are out there...politically, economically, socially, in terms of world leadership...that after such a bad streak, that nothing is really taking hold as Plan B...which creates a terrific opportunity for Barack Obama and his team. We can learn from the Microsoft and General Motors examples. We can seek to adapt to new realities. The trick is going to be convincing the world that a United States that grows at 2 percent a year (which may well be the average for the next 5 years) offers a better approach than a China or an India that grows at 10. Or that the United States offers a better way of life for its people or is a country that deserves the leadership role it has.

It is clear to me that absent a strong recovery, real healthcare reform that meets the needs of all Americans, genuine leadership on climate, and an effort to address the flaws in our system that are exacerbating inequality, sooner or later a weakened, necessarily more inward looking U.S. will find that TINA has flown the coop. It is a telling irony that left-leaning development advocate Susan George offered as a successor to TINA, TATA...which means "there are thousands of alternatives" but also echoes the name of the Indian entrepreneur who now owns the auto brands that were among the British industrial flagships of the Thatcher era (Jaguar and Land Rover) and is the producer of the Nano, the small car designed for the emerging market demands of tomorrow. It is a reminder that things do change and that history suggests that almost certainly there will be alternatives.

But with some luck, America can play the role adopted by the innovators who last at the top, resisting the complacency that TINA's love brings and by seeking to become the even better alternative to ourselves the era requires.

Sean Gallup/Getty Images

Posted By David Rothkopf

It's only Wednesday and it has been a fraught week. In fact, I am totally ready for the weekend. In just the past three days, we have watched as:

Obama conducted an entire televised press conference without once accepting a question from a reporter from a major newspaper. Personally I think this reveals more about Obama's weaknesses than those associated with the newspaper industry. (Meanwhile, based on his performance Tuesday night, our President simultaneously started a rumor that there are actually two Obamas, one an inspirational leader who Michelle sometimes takes out for big public occasions, and the other who is a tax accountant with the charisma of a tube sock.) Meanwhile, Obama's economic crash test dummy Tim Geithner testified on the Hill winning kudos from the market but gradually grimmer and grimmer assessments from economists and thoughtful writers like the FT's Martin Wolf

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton headed to Mexico even as Obama framed that country's drug violence as a top concern of the U.S. and hearings on the subject were a highlight on Capitol Hill.  Personally I am worried about Secretary Clinton and it's not all that Mexican violence that I feel puts her at risk.  Rather, if history is any indicator, the real danger she faces is associated with the fact that she currently has a higher approval rating than the President. (If she doubts me on this, she should call Colin Powell and see how that worked out for him.)

Housing starts were up, markets were up and yet somehow it did nothing to tame the throbbing headache and sinking sensation in the pit of the stomach that has been reported by well, everyone everywhere. It's gotten to the point that I'm comforted by those  reports of a killer asteroid hurtling toward the planet because it looks the giant Advil we all need. (Just kidding. There is no asteroid. You are still going to have to figure out how to survive during retirement on the $11.26 left in your 401-K.)

In other developments in astro-physics, black hole of charisma Gordon Brown went to the European Parliament and was gutted and filleted like a trout by a British MEP named Daniel Hannan (which you can view yourself thanks to the wonders of YouTube). And speaking of YouTube, the Chinese government once again made the world's most populous country seem very small indeed by blocking the site after a video the Chinese assert was a fake seemed to show a Chinese policeman beating a Tibetan demonstrator to death. Finally on the foreign policy front, the seductive Bibi Netanyahu managed to get Ehud Barak (who once infiltrated Syria in a drag...draw your own conclusions) and the Labor Party to clamber aboard his coalition's bandwagon, thus giving it more diversity and political credibility. (It has been hinted that should Barak ever again appear in a dress he could face prosecution and perhaps physical danger from UN High Commissioner for Crimes Against Fashion Tim Gunn.)

Yet for all these things, or perhaps in spite of them, we may well look back on this week and determine that the most important thing that happened was that Ratan Tata, Indian mega-mogul, fulfilled what many thought was an impossible personal ambition when he launched his new $2,200 Nano microcar. It is, as far as an "everyman's car" precisely what the Ford Model T hoped to be, but of course, for most of the planet, was not. It truly opens the door to car ownership for hundreds of millions of people. If it is as successful as predicted, and cars, being produced at a rate of 1,000,000 per year according to Tata, are back-ordered into 2010, it will undoubtedly signal a boom in an entirely new category of vehicles. Chevrolet plans to launch a micro car next year...if there is a Chevrolet next year. And while the prospect of the proliferation of cars like the Nano creates new challenges regarding pollution (although Tata says it has lower emissions than a motorcycle), because of their light weight and the limited speed or horsepower seen as necessary for such vehicles, the category could become an area in which alternative energy options are particularly effective. Even without this though, UN Framework Convention on Climate Change executive secretary Yvo de Boer said, "I am not concerned about it (the Tata Nano) because people in India have the same aspirational rights to own cars as people elsewhere in the world." 

The world being what it is, of course, today, two days after the Nano launch, Standard and Poors downgraded Tata Motors due to the fact that they didn't feel even high demand for the vehicle could offset the company's other problems. This is a good news bad news story. Because if the global economy continues to circle the drain, there may be increased demand for the Nano in many formerly developed countries. Like ours. In fact, Tata plans a U.S. launch of the vehicle in three years. Tata is clearly a visionary. I wonder what he knows that we don't know.

Ritam Banerjee/Getty Images

David Rothkopf is the CEO and Editor-at-Large of Foreign Policy. His new book, "Power, Inc.: The Epic Rivalry Between Big Business and Government and the Reckoning that Lies Ahead" is due out from Farrar, Straus & Giroux on March 1.

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